Darfuri Rebels are no Saints Either
(April 10, 2007)
Human nature often encourages us to view the world through a lens of good and evil. In world conflict we often apply this method to simplify issues. By identifying who the "superheroes" and the "villains" are we make the process of choosing sides less of an ethical conundrum. As witnessed in the current crisis in Darfur, reality is much more nuanced and complex than this superhero model. My experience as a member of New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson's delegation to Sudan, last January, made this point abundantly clear.
As is the case in most major conflicts, almost all relevant parties in Darfur have blood on their hands. This is not meant to equate the atrocities and crimes against humanity conducted by the Government of Sudan and its proxy executers to that of the local rebel groups. However, in order to negotiate a peace-agreement we must acknowledge all wrongdoings regardless of our allegiance. It is true that the Sudanese government supports the Janjaweed's efforts to destroy the civilian population in Darfur. But, it is also true that the Darfuri rebel factions commit terrible crimes such as rape and the destruction of property.
Upon arrival in Khartoum I had the opportunity to engage with several of the humanitarian workers in Sudan. Amidst the very harsh criticism of the Sudanese government and the impediments they inflict upon humanitarian work, new information came to my attention. In the last several months, rebel groups, not only Janjaweeds, are increasingly responsible for attacks against humanitarian workers and Darfuri refugees. These attacks include hijacking of relief vehicles, rape, and - as reported last month - even shooting at a United Nations helicopter.
"Sometimes rebel leaders are just young guys with guns," Cameron Hume, the US Ambassador to Sudan said. Upon meeting some of the rebel leaders in Al-Fashir, a city in Darfur, the consequences became clear. General Mohammed Basher of the Justice and Equality rebel group and Colonel Abdul Abdallah Ismail of the Non-Signatory Front were not able to engage in serious conversation regarding their political objectives. "What is it that you need in order to sign a peace agreement?" we asked them. Their answers were a collection of non-specific clichés. It seems as if their intimidating guns are an addictive source of power for them and the only way of life they know. Getting these young leaders to join a political process and implement a peace agreement, will require both hand-holding as well as hand-forcing.
Darfur has been experiencing an almost total collapse of social structure. Children no longer listen to or respect their elderly; any notion of right and wrong is blended with the battle for resources and survival. This realization came in contrast with my previous visit to Darfuri refugee camps in Eastern Chad, just one year earlier. At that time social obedience and livelihood were still very much intact. When we confronted rebel leaders as to their responsibility to stop sex-crimes and punish the offender, they proudly told us of their justice system - a swift execution without trial. After prodding a little more into the subject, they confirmed our suspicion that the criminals are somehow always members of rival groups and never one of their own.
So why is it so important to take note of these crimes while genocide is happening? Because if anyone thinks that we can bring an end to the crisis in Darfur solely by pressuring the Sudanese government and not the rebel groups to enter the political process, they are fooled. In speaking to rebel leaders, relief workers and victims of violence in Darfur, it is abundantly clear that the rebels must play an equal part in the resolution of this conflict.
Yes - we must take every measure possible to compel the Sudanese government to agree to a political settlement. But at the same time we must also pressure leaders of the rebel groups to do the same. If we only insist that the government make concessions for peace, what motive will the rebels have to join the process? What accountability do they bare for their actions? In their eyes, as long as the war continues and pressure on the Sudanese government persists, they are winning this war.
Michael (Mickey) Bergman is the Director of Congressional Relations and a Senior Policy Analyst at the S. Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace. Mickey joined Governor Richardson's delegation to the Sudan last January.